Adolescent Polygamists' Sociodemographic Characteristics in Musi Banyuasin: A Spatial Distribution-Based Study

Population plays an important role in the development of a region. The more people there are, the more potential there is to be developed or to be used for development of the region. Because human resources are an important component of development in addition to natural resources and technology. However, the fact is that the increase in population often brings more problems than solutions to development. Many of the regions in Indonesia that have a high population have sometimes many social problems that arise as a result of the effects of population growth. Moreover, urban areas that are identical to the shortage of population and accompanied by the limited land available, create a lot of social problems. Often problems arise in urban areas due to the large number of people, including poverty, desertification, crime, slum settlements, migration, etc. The problems that arise often make the government work extra hard to suppress population growth and as the government's PR in determining the regional planning policy as an attempt to solve the problems that exist [1].

Indonesia is one of the countries with the highest population in the world. It can be seen from the high birth rate. This factor does not depend on the fact that there are more women than there are men. Thus, it can affect the preference for the age of first marriage that occurs on average is 21.23 years in 2023. The figure is a thin increase of 0.01 years compared to the previous year of 21.22 years. Further, when examined in detail again it can be seen that that 33.76% of young people in Indonesia registered their age of marriage in the range of 19-21 years by 2022. Then, as many as 27.07% of the youth in the country have the first marital age at 22-24 years. There are also 19.24% of the young people who first married at age 16-18 years. When viewed by gender, the age of first marriage of young men and women must be different, where men tend to enter their first years of life older than women. In particular, 35.21% of young men were first married at the age of 22-24 years. 30.52% of the young men had their first marriage age at 25-30 years. 37.27% of girls were 19-21 years of age, and 26.48% of women were 16-18 years old [2]. Thus, this condition is highly likely to occur in the practice of polygamy. Polygamy in Indonesia has been strictly regulated by law. In Indonesia, polygamy has certain demographic implications, which are influenced by cultural, legal, and religious contexts. The prevalence of polygamy and its demographic impact can vary in different regions of Indonesia. In some areas, polygamy is more common, while in other areas, it is less common. These regional variations can lead to different demographic patterns. The rate of acceptance of polygamy in Indonesia varies, with some communities and individuals viewing it as a traditional and acceptable practice, while others may have reservations or oppose it. These social norms can affect the prevalence of polygamy and its demographic effects. Polygamy is a phenomenon with significant social, cultural, and psychological implications especially for adolescents [3]. It varies greatly in practice and acceptance in different societies and can affect various aspects of social life. The practice of adolescent polygamy, in which one or both partners are adolescents, is a complex problem with the socio-demographic dimensions in Indonesia. Teenage polygamy involves at least one party who is a teenager, usually under the age of 18. The age of a teenage couple may vary, and in some cases, they may be quite young. While polygamy in Indonesia is generally subject to legal and religious regulations, practices involving adolescents may have certain sociodemographic characteristics and implications [4]. Polygamy refers to the cultural or social practice of marrying multiple couples at the same time. The ongoing debate on polygamy, which remains a controversial issue in all fields, has placed it as a practice with a long history, largely recognized as one of the oldest customs in the world [5]. Polygamy is a complex and culturally diverse phenomenon with complex and varied influences [6]. This is prominent given the negative effects of women engaged in illegal polygamous marriages, as demonstrated by the practice of single marriage (informal, unregistered marriage) [7].

The direct acceptance by the population of the legality of polygamous marriages in various places is not uniform. Especially in the case of women. While the state recognizes a woman's marital status, it is clear that her position as a wife will be vulnerable to some weaknesses in various dimensions [8]. The spread of divorce among young married people is a common result of polygamy partnerships, especially those involving adolescents [9]. Polygamous marriages have been shown to have negative consequences for the family, especially for the first wife [10]. Polygamic marriage has been associated with a variety of concerns, including domestic (physical, psychological, sexual, and economic) harassment [11]. This suggests that substantial research has been done to investigate the negative effects of polygamy. Despite this, there is a lack of comprehensive research on adolescent polygamy partnerships. The study contains empirical data on the unique discovery of polygamy frequency, with particular emphasis on the occurrence of poligamy association among adolescents [12]. The practice of polygamy can also have a negative impact on the psychology of a disharmony teenager, the disharmonious tendency resulting from the woman who is tormented will always sow hostility among her larger family, by spreading feelings of hatred, and encouraging her children to oppose her brothers and sisters of the other mother, prompting her husband to take the rights of that other mother's daughter in order to add to her children's rights. The husband sometimes becomes confused and then follows the wishes of his most beloved wife. Finally, there was destruction among the whole family.

The pattern of adolescent polygamy distribution can be described using a spatial analysis approach. Examining juvenile polygamy in the context of space studies can be a useful way to understand the phenomenon of space homogamy. These phenomena can be associated with the individual's tendency to find mates with similar characteristics or characteristics, which include spatial and geographical similarities.

The above conditions also occurred in some other regions such as the Banyuasin district of South Sumatra. The population problem is the high number of early marriages. By population, Musi Banyuasin district is one of the most populous districts in South Sumatra Province. According to the projections of the population census results in 2022 Musi Banyuasin district reached 633.124 people. The increase in the population from year to year is not followed by the spread of population. This is due to the high migration rate of the population either entering or leaving Banyuasin district. On the other hand, the other problem is the high number of polygams.

Polygamy phenomena are also found in some areas of Banyuasin district where the prevalence of juvenile polygamy varies greatly like in rural areas. The practice of polygamy varies from one community to another, depending on cultural, religious, and individual factors. The spread of polygamy in Banyuasin district is also influenced by regional conditions and demographic characteristics.

Moreover, when viewed far away from a wider territorial perspective, it can be seen that the spatial relationship between the territories is characterized by acts of juvenile polygamy. The socio-demographic characteristics of the people involved in the marriage in Musi Banyuasin district include husbands, first wives, and second wives. The scrutiny of this social situation indicates that the socio-demographic adolescents in polygamy households are affected by the characteristics of the region [13].

Current practice of juvenile polygamy in Musi Banyuasin district raises serious concerns about the well-being and rights of adolescents, especially young girls, as it can lead to problems such as early pregnancies, limited educational opportunities, and potential health risks. Efforts have been made by the government of Banyuasin District to address and regulate this issue through legislative reforms and educational programmes aimed at raising awareness about the importance of postponing marriages and promoting the rights of young people. Thus, the effort was optimally implemented due to the limited field data to detect in detail the social demographic spread of polygamy perpetrators. Given the problems that have been outlined above, this study attempts to analyze the socio-demographic characteristics of polygamy teenagers in Musi Banyuasin district based on spatial distribution. This research offers how a comprehensive understanding of the socio-demographic conditions of adolescents in polygamy households, as well as highlights the social-spatial dynamics. As a result, these results can serve as a valuable resource for future research related to relevant research topics.

3.1 Social and demographic characteristics of polygamists

The prevalence of adolescent polygamy in Musi Banyuasin has been spotted for quite some time. Young polygamous marriages have been observed to be a long-standing occurrence, according to field data. However, the frequency of such weddings remains minimal, with only the local community knowing of such instances.. The following data is on the prevalence of adolescent polygamy in the Musi Banyuasin Regency. It can be seen on Figure 1.

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Figure 1. Trends in adolescent polygamy in Musi Banyuasin regency

The visual representation offered displays the frequency of adolescent polygamous weddings in Musi Banyuasin Regency, demonstrating an annual pattern. According to the data, the most instances occurred between the years of 2013 and 2022. There was a continuous drop in the prevalence of polygamous marriages among adolescents between 2013 and 2020. This is a reference to the COVID-19 pandemic in 2020, during which communities were urged to limit social events, resulting in fewer weddings. During periods of imposed constraints, adolescents choose to prioritize household activities, avoid educational institutions, and avoid visiting recreational enterprises. As a result of the ongoing epidemic, both adolescent and adult polygamy have decreased.Nonetheless, since the global outbreak of the Covid-19 epidemic in 2022, there has been a revival in the prevalence of adolescent polygamy. Following the end of the pandemic in 2023, adolescents started attending educational institutions, participating in other social activities, and socializing with people of the opposite gender, according to an investigation. The unrestricted nature of minors' social contacts might have negative consequences, such as the comeback of teenage polygamous marriages and the accompanying growth of negative feelings. A large proportion of adolescents, roughly 43%, experienced heightened levels of loneliness during the COVID-19 epidemic, according to a study conducted by Sagita and Hermawan [18].

Loneliness is described as a psychological state in which an individual has a gap between their desired amount of social connections and the number of associations they have [19]. Following a lengthy period of loneliness, teens have begun engaging in larger-scale social activities and pursuing various endeavors following the end of the epidemic. Inadequate knowledge of the consequences of one's actions can lead to unfavorable outcomes, such as extramarital pregnancy and related situations. The proliferation of mobile phone telecommunication technology has had a significant impact on the distribution of information, resulting in the rapid circulation of news regarding underage polygamous weddings on social media networks. This suggests that the occurrence of teenage polygamous marriages in Musi Banyuasin Regency is neither considered shameful nor a recent phenomenon. Indeed, the majority of adolescent polygamous unions are conducted in a grand manner, often involving the organization of celebratory events that extend beyond the immediate families of the three brides to include the entire village community (Table 2).

Table 2. Adolescent polygamists by district of origin

Source: Primary data 2023

According to the data in the table, a considerable proportion of people who practice polygamy are from Kertayu Village (27.08%). In contrast, a sizable fraction of primary and secondary wives (20.83%) are from the village of Mekar Jaya. According to the findings of the field survey, Kertayu settlement is the oldest settlement in the region. It also has a plethora of traditional cultural celebrations, such as the sedekah rami ceremony. As a result, this hamlet attracts people from adjacent villages who want to build familial ties within the Kertayu hamlet community. Bachelors from Kertayu Village have a positive reputation among ladies from other rural areas, particularly those living in villages located a long distance from the city. Likewise, the primary and secondary spouses are mostly from Mekar Jaya village, a rural community in Musi Banyuasin Regency. Notably, this area was originally recognized as an unsuccessful transmigration site, as many Javanese relocated here but eventually returned to their original location.

The biggest motivation for women to pursue polygamous partnerships is frequently their desire to relocate to a more established community within a social setting. Certain young women may be tempted by men from more developed locations, leading to adolescent polygamy. This is consistent with Munir's contention that one of the variables affecting an individual's desire to relocate is the hope of marriage [20]. Husnah et al. shared this sentiment, claiming that the variable of education has a beneficial impact on lifetime migration. Marriage is used by a considerable proportion of young women in Indonesia to improve their quality of life [21]. This motivation comprises a variety of goals, including economic advancement, acquiring an identification card in order to explore abroad career opportunities, and pursuing a better life by marrying someone from more developed regions with greater economic prospects. Figure 2 showing adolescent polygamy distribution below.

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Figure 2. Distribution of adolescent polygamy

According to Figure 2, the majority of male adolescent polygamists live in more developed villages that are located close to urban areas. Women who practice polygamy, on the other hand, can be traced back to rural settlements on the outskirts of the sub-district region. The bulk of polygamous women come from rural areas with low levels of development and a long distance from urban centers, such as sub-district or district capitals.

Furthermore, Figure 2 depicts the thorough distribution of the numerous areas of origin for teenage polygamists. Cultural and historical ties rooted in tradition and familial values bind these regions together. The historical dynamics of familial relationships have historically allowed the mobility of young people to places with cultural heritages comparable to their initial location. Even in polygamous couples, the presence of these familial ties promotes the desire to plan marriages for their offspring. Certain behaviors are reluctantly acknowledged through traditional rites.

3.2 Age characteristics of polygamy perpetrators

As an indicator, age is seen as a decisive element in the permissibility of marriage, especially polygamous marriage. According to the 2019 marriage legislation, the minimum age limit for both males and females to enter into matrimony is established at 19 years. However, there is a distinction between polygamous marriages performed in Musi Banyuasin Regency and those observed elsewhere, as they are done by adolescents who have not yet attained the required age for marriage. The act of marrying at a young age has negative consequences for teens, which is amplified in the case of adolescent polygamous marriages.

The graph below depicts the percentage distribution of polygamous teenagers according on age. Age characteristics influence the variability of teenage polygamists. The majority of adolescent polygamists are typically 17 years old, which corresponds to the age at which most people complete their junior high school education. According to the statistics in Figure 3, a large proportion of polygamous weddings in Musi Banyuasin Regency took place at the age of 17, accounting for 44% of the total. Furthermore, 25% of these marriages happened at the age of 16, with 23% occurring at the age of 18. 92% of juvenile polygamous marriages contain persons who are younger than the legally mandated minimum age. Age is a requirement for both men and women to be legally eligible for marriage and subsequent registration in a religious court. According to data from the National Family Planning Coordinating Board (BKKBN), women should marry at the age of 19, while men should marry at the age of 20 [22].

Based on the facts presented above, it is clear that none of the adolescent polygamous marriages adhere to the optimal age for marriage. The average age of males taking on the role of husbands in teenage polygamous marriages is 19 years old, accounting for around 8% of such unions. It is worth noting in the context of teenage polygamous marriages that a large proportion of women, approximately 25%, adopted the role of first or second wife at the age of 16. Adolescent polygamous marriage in Musi Banyuasin Regency not only maintains betel marriage but also lengthens the period of early marriage.

Underage marriage has a number of negative implications. One noteworthy ramification is for women's health, as their reproductive systems may not be appropriately equipped for pregnancy and childbirth. As a result, individuals are more vulnerable to reproductive health complications such as hemorrhage, miscarriage, low birth weight, and even maternal and child mortality. Polygamous marriages involving teenagers have a negative impact on both men and women. Polygamous women are at a higher risk of depression and sexual violence, in addition to having poor reproductive health [23].

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Figure 3. Age characteristics of adolescent polygamists

3.3 Polygamist educational characteristics

An individual's educational level can be a crucial component in decision-making processes, such as determining the optimum age for marriage [24]. Individuals with a higher level of education are more likely to choose career growth over marriage. Individuals with less educational attainment have a higher proclivity for making marriage decisions, particularly in rural settings such as Musi Banyuasin Regency's rural communities. A significant percentage of adolescents with low educational attainment marry, including cases of early marriage and polygamous unions among teenagers. The graph below depicts the characteristics related to the educational attainment of teenagers in polygamous partnerships.

Figure 4 shows that a considerable fraction of adolescent polygamists have an educational attainment equivalent to elementary school, accounting for 35% of the sample. Closer investigation reveals that the 35% estimate is heavily influenced by the educational attainment of people who marry for the second time, regardless of gender. In contrast, the first wife's educational attainment is predominantly at the junior high school level. Despite differences in educational attainment between the husband, second wife, and first wife, it is clear that elementary and junior high school education levels remain relatively low, falling short of the government's minimum 13 years of schooling. Polygamous marriages have been found to have a negative link with individuals' educational attainment, particularly women [25].

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Figure 4. Education background of polygamous adolescent

Inadequate understanding among adolescents of the obligations connected with marriage, particularly the tasks required of a husband, contributes to the prevalence of polygamous marriages among youths [26]. Furthermore, the culture and family may find it difficult to entirely oppose young polygamous marriages due to the assumption that marriage is a superior alternative to engaging in extramarital activities [27]. Teenage polygamous marriages are distinguished by the absence of long-term sustainability for one of the partners, typically the first or second wife [28]. Due to the simultaneous nature of the marriage process, determining the status of the first or second wife in teenage polygamous marriages within Musi Banyuasin Regency creates a hurdle [29]. Both the marriage contract and the wedding reception take place concurrently on the same day. In order to secure the status of first wife, each wife engages in a competitive dynamic with the other [30]. Ultimately, the first wife will be the wife who successfully performs the ijab qobul rite first.

3.4 Characteristics based on occupation

Employment is an important indicator for measuring the socioeconomic circumstances of teenagers engaging in polygamous relationships. This includes the jobs of the parents of polygamous adolescent individuals (Figure 5).

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Figure 5. Characteristics of respondents based on occupation

The acquisition of job has a direct impact on an individual's income and ability to meet life's many demands. A substantial number of adolescent polygamists, 73%, are unemployed in the Musi Banyuasin Regency. This comment contradicts the widely held belief that the existence of a wealthy husband is a decisive factor in polygamy practice. Nonetheless, it is worth mentioning that the guardians of pubescent polygamists are generally those who own land and engage in business activities [31].

Occupation has an impact on social standing. The trend of adolescent boys engaging in simultaneous relationships with numerous partners can be traced to the predominance of polygamous marriages among adolescents in the Musi Banyuasin Regency. After a lengthier period of courting, one of the parties participating in the romantic engagement believes they have a genuine claim to prompt matrimony [32]. The aforementioned desire creates conflicting emotions in the second person involved in the romantic relationship, pushing them to consider marrying both female opposites. As a result, the male's family must face pressure or requests to assist the marriage of both ladies. Finally, the village leader's intervention facilitates the resolution of this situation [33]. Furthermore, it is often assumed that women who have been in long-term dating relationships should marry as soon as possible [34]. The lack of a marriage union would be regarded as a cause of disgrace. While it is true that teenagers who enter polygamous marriages during their adolescent years are often reliant on their parents, adolescents who enter polygamous marriages with two spouses concurrently may find themselves dependent on their parents' gardens or engaged in garden-related labor even after marriage [35].

3.5 The geographic distribution of adolescent polygamists

The socio-spatial context also influences the socio-demographic composition of adolescents individuals engaged in polygamous relationships (Figure 6).

The hotspot analysis results show that the concentration of male teenage polygamists is primarily concentrated in the sub-district capital. Female polygamists, on the other hand, are from rural settlements on the outside of the sub-district. This finding provides empirical evidence for the idea that socio-spatial status has a major impact on the socio-demographic makeup of teenage individuals in polygamous relationships [36]. Couples who live in the sub-district capital are seen to have a little higher social standing. Individuals from peripheral villages who want to advance in society are willing to enter a polygamous marriage as the second wife of a man who lives in the sub-district headquarters [37]. The presence of socio-spatial interactions in rural communities in Jirak Jaya and Sungai Keruh sub-districts demonstrates that patron-client ideas continue to prevail [38].

The socio-spatial dynamics found among Musi Banyuasin's adolescent polygamists provide as an instance of the underlying core patron-client relationship [39]. The improved standing of the sub-district capital region can be attributed to its superior infrastructure development and physical facilities. Furthermore, the puyang, or location of origin of the ancestors, plays an important role in shaping the kinship structure within South Sumatran society. The village of origin of the puyang, which serves as the sub-district seat, is extremely important for women aspiring to higher social status [40].

The main point of the described research and discussion is that polygamy is a complicated phenomena dependent on geographical and sociodemographic features. Understanding the emergence and persistence of social phenomena such as adolescent polygamy requires a sociospatial viewpoint [41]. This viewpoint acknowledges that the physical and social context in which individuals and groups are located can have a substantial impact on their behavior and decisions [42]. Understanding how these socio-spatial elements interact is critical for policymakers, researchers, and activists striving to combat juvenile polygamy. With an understanding of the dynamics that are unique to a particular location, it can inform the development of targeted interventions and policies to decrease and prevent early marriages and polygamy [43]. This finding implies that socio-spatial perspectives have an impact on the appearance of social phenomena such as adolescent polygamy.

The study's findings can be used to guide local government initiatives targeted at creating more equal development in remote settlements [44]. These policies may include the improvement of road infrastructure [45], the construction of adequate public facilities such as schools, the establishment of stable internet networks, the provision of dependable electricity, and the formation or revitalization of organizations that serve as forums for fostering positive youth creativity. To avoid the formation of a socio-spatial split.

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Figure 6. Hotspot analysis of the distribution of villages of origin of adolescent polygamists